At Doha summit, Arab and Muslim leaders talk tough but take no concrete steps against Israeli aggression
At Doha summit, Arab and Muslim leaders talk tough but take no concrete steps against Israeli aggression
Early on Monday morning, prior to the formal start of the Arab-Islamic summit in Doha, I expressed scepticism on Al Jazeera English about the kinds of concrete actions the conference might produce.
The emergency summit, organised by Qatar on 15 September after it was attacked last week by Israel, aimed to demonstrate a unified Arab-Islamic position, show solidarity with Qatar and explore a collective response that would both deter Israel from further aggression and end the genocide in Gaza.
Representatives from all Arab League and Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) member states attended, with heads of state and representatives delivering short addresses.
During that interview, I noted in particular that deep political differences between Arab and Muslim countries, combined with state-level self-interest, might prevent tangible unified action.
Throughout the gathering, leaders' remarks struck an unusually defiant tone.
Many were sharper than the ritual denunciations that Arab and Muslim publics have come to expect, conveying palpable anger and exhaustion after two years of Israeli genocide and broader regional belligerence.
Some leaders went further, urging boycotts and an end to cooperation with Israel, while others demanded tougher collective measures.
But while the addresses and final communique signalled tangible policy shifts, they fell short of decisions that could halt the genocide or deter further Israeli escalation.
Summit outcomes
Several statements in the summit's final communique, as well as some of the addresses, are likely to capture Israel's attention.
For example, Article 9 proposes a joint security and defence alliance between Arab and Islamic states. The measure builds on past proposals for a joint military alliance, but suggests that work could soon begin to "put in place the required implementation mechanisms".
The assistant secretary general of the Arab League said that setting up the Joint Arab Defence Agreement is unrealistic since Arab states do not agree on a 'common enemy'
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) then announced an urgent meeting of its Joint Defence Council to discuss "activating the council's joint defence mechanism" in response to Israel's strike on Doha.
In his address, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan urged Muslim countries to completely sever economic ties with Israel, while Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim insisted that all Muslim states end diplomatic relations with Israel.
Article 15 of the communique reinforces both demands, calling on all Arab and Muslim states to sanction Israel and review "diplomatic and economic relations" with it.
During his speech, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi also struck a noticeably different tone than usual. He referred to Israel as "the enemy" and warned Israeli citizens that its government's actions have jeopardised the Camp David peace accord with Egypt.
But as analysts have already pointed out, divisions and differences may ultimately prevent substantive action from being taken.
For example, significant political differences between Arab states make it highly unlikely that they will agree to activate any kind of joint defence force.
In a media interview, Hossam Zaki, the assistant secretary general of the Arab League, said that setting up the Joint Arab Defence Agreement is unrealistic since Arab states do not agree on a "common enemy".
If this is the case at the level of the 22-member Arab League, then it is even more true for the 57-member OIC.
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It is equally unlikely that the much smaller GCC - consisting of only six countries - will activate its joint defence mechanism, given divergent Israel ties, US security dependencies, and conflicting threat perceptions among members.
Two Gulf countries, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, signed accords with Israel in 2020 and have especially strong diplomatic and economic ties to Israel. They are almost certain to steer clear of any substantive anti-Israel action.
In this context, it is notable that UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed and Bahrain's King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa did not attend the Doha summit. Their decisions to send lower-level representatives rather than attend in person suggest that while they opposed Israel's attack on Qatar, they are not prepared to take serious action.
High expectations
Expectations for the summit were high in the Arab and Muslim streets.
Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar pointed out the obvious in a Sunday interview: that the entire Muslim ummah was waiting in anticipation that something would be done to truly confront Israel.
The lack of binding decisions is likely to bring disappointment in the short term.
Nonetheless, some cautious optimism remains warranted. It is also possible that there will be some meaningful movement, even if only on the part of individual states.
Shortly before the attack on Qatar, Turkey severed all economic ties with Israel. However, that development, combined with the general spirit of the summit, may motivate other states to consider this option.
Although it seems unlikely that countries party to the Abraham Accords will walk away from them, it seems very likely that no other countries will consider an accord with Israel in the foreseeable future.
Another military attack on Qatar - or any other GCC state - may cancel the accords altogether and prompt a complete rethinking of the region's security relationship with the US.
The question now is whether the summit will cause Israel to think twice about future attacks on Arab and Muslim countries, or whether it may force Israel to consider winding down the war on Gaza.
Strategic reckoning
Israel has recently attacked seven states or territories: the West Bank and Gaza, Qatar, Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, Iran, and Tunisia.
As Arab and Muslim leaders prepared to gather in Doha, Israel displayed brazen disregard, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hosting American Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
The two prayed together at the Wailing Wall before holding a joint press conference that overlapped with the summit.
There, Netanyahu doubled down on his pledge to strike Hamas leaders wherever they are, even offering justification for the policy.
Rubio was asked twice about Israel's 9 September attack on Qatar. Both times, he refused to condemn it, instead echoing Israeli propaganda almost verbatim, citing Hamas's 7 October 2023 attack, antisemitism, demands for Hamas to surrender and disarm, Israeli captives, and alleged "human shields" in Gaza.
The messages sent by the visit and press conference were clear: Israel and the United States are a tag team; Israel has no intention of changing course; and the US has no plan to rein it in.
For Arab and Muslim capitals, the takeaway is stark: Washington will neither deter nor punish Israeli strikes on Arab soil.
That reality underscores a deeper warning: from the perspective of both Israel and the US, the "Greater Israel" project remains firmly on course, and another Israeli attack in pursuit of this goal now appears inevitable.
This should force an immediate strategic reckoning in the Gulf, the wider Arab region and the OIC: if the US will not reliably shield its partners, then Arab and Muslim countries must calibrate their own deterrence - through sanctions, airspace restrictions, and credible defence alliances.
If words are not matched by actions, it is just a matter of time before the next emergency summit.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.