Cowardice and complicity: Washington's 'special relationship' with Israel

The US's embrace of Zionism persists amid a flawed political system that gives no real power to the people

US President Donald Trump meets Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Washington, DC, on 7 July 2025 (Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP)

US President Donald Trump meets Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Washington, DC, on 7 July 2025 (Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP)

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Even the most basic history of US global interventionism - always aimed at preserving its own economic hegemony - undermines the notion that Washington could suddenly become a force for good in the world, regardless of who is in power.

From the firebombing of Tokyo to the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki; from the destruction of Dresden to the napalming of Southeast Asia; from the dismantling of the Iraqi state through “shock and awe” to myriad other coups, assaults and wars, the US has used all manner of weaponry and methods to achieve its goals.

But while political analysts and historians have traditionally examined events taking place on the ground, too few have explored the deeper structural policies that set certain mechanisms and modes of legitimacy in place. The CIA operations that recruited former Nazi military, intelligence and scientific figures into the US orbit are a prime example.

Such operations, if even mentioned, are typically presented as curiosities of “spycraft”, rather than structural precedents undergirding the behaviour and policies of many US intelligence, military, academic, and corporate institutions.

Similarly, the US's embrace of Zionism - and the economic, political and ideological cover it provides for Israeli impunity - enables Tel Aviv to act as the tip of the American imperial spear in the Middle East and elsewhere in the world.

It was a self-described Zionist, former President Joe Biden, who played a key role in embedding this view in US policy, when he declared in 1986: “It’s about time we stop … apologising for our support for Israel.”

Washington’s financial support for Israel, he added, is “the best $3bn investment we make. Were there not an Israel, the United States of America would have to invent an Israel to protect her interests in the region”.

That $3bn figure has continued to rise over the years. And under the Trump administration, which has done away with pretence, it is more evident than ever before that Israel is essentially a US base in the region.

Layers of obfuscation

Given the above, the idea that any single political candidate could cut through all the layers of power, funding and historical obfuscation to attain high office in the US - while still maintaining truly independent positions - is both ludicrous and unrealistic.

The range of permissible opinions remains extraordinarily limited, expanding mainly in culture-war areas and narrowing again when it comes to foreign policy. But we forget, at our own peril, that foreign policy is always domestic as well.

Thus, no matter how issues are presented, and no matter how unyielding party allegiances might be, most US citizens find themselves completely removed from any form of actual political power, except at a local level - and even there, options can be severely compromised.

In a just world, various corporate executives, editors and university administrators could all find themselves culpable for complicity in genocide

Exposed to decades of Hollywood propaganda and lacking any direct experience of a foreign military occupation or war on American soil, the American public is largely ignorant of these concepts. Bludgeoned by corporate and state forces that dictate the terms of military interventionism, they seldom connect the dots.

While many people - particularly those who benefit less from the status quo - understand the raw machinations of power all too clearly, there is very little they can do to move the needle.

It is only in critical times, such as the Vietnam War or the current genocide in Gaza, that broader segments of the population - disgusted by what their taxpayer dollars are supporting - begin to construct a more coherent picture of what is taking place and whose interests are being served.

This is the context in which western policies transform fundamental issues of economics, law, morality, and justice into grotesque “culture wars”, enabling severe repression alongside the curtailment of constitutional and civil rights.

The role of mainstream media and academia in all of this cannot be understated. In a just world, various corporate executives, editors and university administrators could all find themselves culpable for complicity in genocide.

Elaborate mea culpas

Today, as myriad countries and mainstream institutions perform elaborate mea culpas - no longer able to hide from images of wounded and starving Palestinians - the rage felt by more and more people around the world is palpable.

We would do well to recall the suffocating silence and denials that have accompanied the assassinations of journalists; the abduction, torture and killing of doctors and health workers as their hospitals were destroyed by Israeli troops; the erasure of whole families and communities; the wholesale destruction of Gaza’s universities and cultural institutions; and myriad other atrocities and cruelties shielded by US vetoes, propaganda and military funding.

We must also remember, first and foremost, that all of this has taken place with hardly a ripple of dissent due to the complicity and cowardice of influential people who had the ability - at least in theory - to take a meaningful stand.

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Could politicians and policies have been held in check, even slightly, if the media had done its job, university administrators had issued condemnations, and healthcare professionals had organised in defence of their counterparts in Gaza?

The truth is, in a world where there is little to no real political representation, these people and institutions were actually doing their jobs - and quite well - by serving their corporate, institutional and political masters.

Amid this backdrop, direct action has become the mode of choice for those willing to put their safety, freedom and livelihoods on the line in order to disrupt the smooth operations of the genocide machine. We can see this in both spontaneous outbursts and well-planned actions, from Greek citizens preventing Israeli tourists from disembarking, to Egyptian embassies being locked shut by activists, to Palestine Action’s work in the UK and its recent designation as a “terrorist” group.

In the US, activists recently descended upon the offices of The New York Times, which has long faced criticism for producing content supportive of Israel, to spray-paint the message “NYT lies, Gaza dies” on the windows.

The upcoming start of the new academic year promises to be filled with novel security measures, surveillance, and the imposition of ever-new forms of punishment. We can only hope that protest movements across myriad sectors continue to gain traction, perhaps inspired by the bravery of former security contractor Anthony Aguilar, who blew the lid off the evils of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation.

At the same time, we must work to see that more Israeli war criminals are brought to justice; that plans to remake the region’s geography are met with fierce resistance; and that Israel’s impunity and its apartheid regime will be relegated to the dustbin of history. For that to happen, citizens in the “belly of the beast” - the US - must play a much more significant and risky role.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

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Cowardice and complicity: Washington's 'special relationship' with Israel

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