The issue of reparations has been facing resistance from former colonial powers, including the United Kingdom, France, Belgium, and the Netherlands

When the African Union launched its 2025 theme – “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations” – at its 38th summit in Addis Ababa last February, it marked one of the continent’s boldest moves to demand accountability for centuries of slavery, colonialism, and exploitation.

This dynamic of exploitation is not merely a historical relic; it is perfectly encapsulated by the recent auction of a Martian meteorite. The NWA 16788 meteorite, the largest piece of Mars ever found on Earth, was discovered in Niger and later sold in a New York auction for over $5 million to an anonymous private collector.

Niger’s government has since launched an investigation, calling the sale “akin to illicit international trafficking.” This single event highlights a centuries-old pattern of cultural looting, where artifacts of historical and scientific importance have been taken from Africa with the profits leaving the country where they were found.

As Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has stated at the summit, “The demand for reparations is not about charity or financial aid. It is a call for justice.” This is a call that has been answered with vastly different outcomes, from rare success to outright denial. To understand this complex landscape, one must look no further than the disparate experiences of three nations: Libya, Namibia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

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Libya’s Italy case

The taboo surrounding reparations, though powerful, is neither absolute no unbreakable. A case in point is Italy’s 2008 Treaty of Friendship, Partnership and Cooperation with Libya, signed in Benghazi in August of that year, which serves as a unique and groundbreaking precedent – the first of its kind between a former colonial power and a former colony.

It was a direct acknowledgment of Italy’s “dark history” of colonial misdeeds, which included brutal tactics like aerial bombardment and the use of concentration camps where an estimated one million Libyans were slaughtered. For decades, Italy had suppressed this history so determinedly; even democratic post-war Italy banned the epic film “Lion of the Desert,” which depicted the Libyan resistance. Only in June 2009 were Italian audiences allowed to see the film despite it being available for decades and already shown across the world in major cinemas.

However, a combination of diplomatic pressure and public exposure prepared the ground for a historic apology. The terms of the treaty went far beyond a simple apology. As a concrete form of reparations, Italy agreed to a $5 billion payment over a 20-year period to finance infrastructure, educational, and medical projects in Libya. Beyond financial compensation, the treaty committed Italy funding scholarships, resume pension payments to Libyans forced into fascist Italian army and to returning all stolen artefacts – another colonial cultural atrocity.

As then-Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi hailed it, the treaty was an “important historical precedent that proves that compensation entails condemnation of colonialism regardless of the amount paid.” While the treaty’s implementation has been stalled by Libya’s post-2011 instability, its existence stands as a powerful model for other former colonies and a concrete challenge to Western nations that continue to reject all forms of colonial accountability.

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A partial reckoning: From genocide to a ‘gesture’

During the German occupation of what is now Namibia, from 1904 to 1908, the German Empire carried out the first genocide of the 20th century against the Herero and Nama peoples. In response to an uprising, German forces, led by General Lothar von Trotha, used brutal tactics to crush the rebellion. Von Trotha issued a chilling “ extermination order ” against the Herero, driving tens of thousands of them into the desert to die of thirst and starvation.

To justify his actions, Trotha famously stated: “I believe that the nation as such should be annihilated.” The German campaign wiped out an estimated 80% of the Herero population and 50% of the Nama population. Those who survived were placed in concentration camps and subjected to forced labor.

Unlike the clear-cut settlement between Italy and Libya, the case of Namibia’s push for reparations from Germany highlights the deep reluctance of former colonial powers to offer full accountability. After more than five years of negotiations, Germany and Namibia reached an agreement in 2021. Germany acknowledged its responsibility for the genocide of the Herero and Nama but deliberately avoided using the term “reparations.”

Instead, Germany offered €1.1 billion ($1.34 billion) in financial aid over 30 years for infrastructure, education, and health projects, describing it as a “gesture of reconciliation.” Crucially, Germany refused to issue the apology that would have legal consequences, a point of significant contention. The compensation was not paid directly to the victims’ descendants. Instead, the funds were earmarked for state-run projects, a compromise that was heavily criticized by the Herero and Nama people themselves.

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While the Namibian government accepted the deal, many of the descendants of the victims rejected it outright, viewing it as insufficient and insulting. This outcome demonstrates how even when a former colonizer admits to committing genocide, the demands for true reparatory justice can be sidestepped in favor of a politically palatable financial aid package.

The case is not closed yet. Unhappy with the deal, representatives of the Herero and Nama have filed a lawsuit against their own government before the country’s high court asking the court to declare the deal invalid because it was signed without their consultation.

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The return of a tooth: Belgium’s selective apology

The brutal colonization of the Congo is arguably one of the most egregious examples of colonial plunder, a history that Belgium has long struggled to confront. For decades, the vast territory of the Congo, 77 times bigger than Belgium itself and double that of Western Europe, was not even a state-run colony but the personal property of King Leopold II. His rule was a hellscape of forced labor and unspeakable violence, responsible for the deaths of millions.

Today, Belgium’s approach to this dark past remains a study in selective atonement. While the current king, Philippe, has expressed his “deepest regrets” for the “violence and cruelty” of the colonial era, he and the Belgian government have consistently stopped short of a formal apology – the one gesture that could open the door to legal reparations.

Belgium was ultimately forced to make a symbolic yet chilling gesture: the story begins with a Belgian police commissioner named Gerard Soete, who, after dissolving the body of the DR Congo’s first prime minister, Patrice Lumumba, in acid, took the single gold-capped tooth as a “hunting trophy.” In 2022, after a decades-long struggle by his family, Belgium returned this macabre relic. This bizarre and chilling act of “restitution” serves as a perfect example of a former colonial power trying to assuage its conscience with a trophy, rather than confront the astronomical debt it owes.

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Why former colonizers resist reparations

For decades, the issue of reparations for historical injustices like slavery and colonialism has been debated extensively within the United Nations and other international forums. The UN General Assembly has adopted several resolutions since the early 1960s ( 1514 on ending colonialism), most notably the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action (2001), which acknowledges these historical wrongs as “crimes against humanity” and calls for remedies. However, these resolutions are largely non-binding and have consistently faced strong resistance from former colonial powers, including the United Kingdom, France, Belgium, and the Netherlands.

To overcome this impasse, a new and concerted strategy is required. The African Union, in a powerful collaboration with the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) which already has a strong Reparations Commission, should establish a dedicated body composed of legal experts, community leaders, and elders. This commission’s mandate would be to band together, bringing a unified legal and moral case to the world stage.

Their first and most critical action should be to lobby for a groundbreaking UN resolution that not only condemns colonialism but also establishes a framework for formal apologies and equitable compensation. This would push the issue beyond the limited scope of bilateral agreements and force a global reckoning. By speaking with a single, unyielding voice, Africa and the Caribbean can turn the tide on a conversation that has been stalled for centuries, transforming the moral argument for justice into an undeniable legal obligation.

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